Ius & Iustitium welcomes submissions from academics, practicing lawyers, and students interested in the classical legal tradition. The author is a recent federal judicial law clerk.
“ATHENIAN: Tell me, Strangers, is a God or some man supposed to be the author of your laws?”
“ATHENIAN: And do you, Cleinias, believe, as Homer tells, that every ninth year Minos went to converse with his Olympian sire, and was inspired by him to make laws for your cities?”
– Plato, Laws 624a-b
Joel Alicea has striven mightily to reconcile a form of positivist originalism with natural law theory. He claims to have given originalism a “moral authority” derived from the natural law. Yet his arguments reduce to either a noble lie in the vein of Plato’s Republic or an act of faith in liberalism’s founding mythology. Alicea’s recent review of Hadley Arkes’s Mere Natural Law: Originalism and the Anchoring Truths of the Constitution demonstrates this point. There, Alicea makes a startling argument for the moral authority of positivist originalism. He writes:
Who has care of the community in the United States? That is, who is the legitimate lawmaker in the United States? The answer — as deduced from the natural-law tradition’s teaching on the nature of political authority — is the people, the same people who, the Preamble declares, “ordain[ed] and establish[ed]” our Constitution. Once we understand this, the judicial obligation to obey the Constitution as the people understood it becomes clear — as does the moral force undergirding Dobbs.[1]
Claiming to follow the Thomistic definition of law as “an ordinance of reason for the common good, made by him who has care of the community, and promulgated,”[2] he posits that someone must have the “care” of, that is, authority for the direction of, the political community that is the United States. So far so good. But then he goes on to make the remarkable assertion that the “the people,” considered apart from any authority, have this authority under the natural law. Because the people have this authority, their choices in establishing the Constitution are morally binding until revolution or regime change via the mechanisms the people set forth in the Constitution. The same is true, he claims, of the people’s understanding of the Constitution. This argument is fundamentally flawed.
Continue reading “Alicea’s Noble Lie”