Alicea’s Noble Lie

Ius & Iustitium welcomes submissions from academics, practicing lawyers, and students interested in the classical legal tradition. The author is a recent federal judicial law clerk.


“ATHENIAN: Tell me, Strangers, is a God or some man supposed to be the author of your laws?”

“ATHENIAN: And do you, Cleinias, believe, as Homer tells, that every ninth year Minos went to converse with his Olympian sire, and was inspired by him to make laws for your cities?”
 – Plato, Laws 624a-b

Joel Alicea has striven mightily to reconcile a form of positivist originalism with natural law theory.  He claims to have given originalism a “moral authority” derived from the natural law.  Yet his arguments reduce to either a noble lie in the vein of Plato’s Republic or an act of faith in liberalism’s founding mythology.  Alicea’s recent review of Hadley Arkes’s Mere Natural Law: Originalism and the Anchoring Truths of the Constitution demonstrates this point. There, Alicea makes a startling argument for the moral authority of positivist originalism.  He writes:

Who has care of the community in the United States? That is, who is the legitimate lawmaker in the United States? The answer — as deduced from the natural-law tradition’s teaching on the nature of political authority — is the people, the same people who, the Preamble declares, “ordain[ed] and establish[ed]” our Constitution. Once we understand this, the judicial obligation to obey the Constitution as the people understood it becomes clear — as does the moral force undergirding Dobbs.[1]

Claiming to follow the Thomistic definition of law as “an ordinance of reason for the common good, made by him who has care of the community, and promulgated,”[2] he posits that someone must have the “care” of, that is, authority for the direction of, the political community that is the United States.  So far so good.  But then he goes on to make the remarkable assertion that the “the people,” considered apart from any authority, have this authority under the natural law.  Because the people have this authority, their choices in establishing the Constitution are morally binding until revolution or regime change via the mechanisms the people set forth in the Constitution.  The same is true, he claims, of the people’s understanding of the Constitution.  This argument is fundamentally flawed.  

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The Owl of Minerva and “Our Law”

Conor Casey & Adrian Vermeule[1]

On 28th February, William Baude of the University of Chicago Law School delivered the annual Scalia Lecture at Harvard Law School,[2] titled “Beyond Textualism?”—with startling results. Startling but also welcome, as we will explain.

The main question posed by Baude at the outset of his lecture is whether textualism is “missing something important”? Baude began in a conventional register by suggesting that textualism is said to reflect the “basic insight central to the structure of our government…and fabric of our law” that the job of the interpreter is (a) usually to enforce rules that have been made some place else, not to make the rules herself; and (b) not to imagine decisions that were actually never made by the legislature. In general, says Baude, the results of the “textualist revolution” have been “salutary” for embedding these ideas into legal practice and thought.

The talk, however, then took a sharp and surprising turn—indeed a turn towards the very approach to legal interpretation, the classical approach, that Ius et Iustitium was founded to advocate. Baude’s answer to the question posed at the start of his lecture turned out to be an emphatic yes. Textualism is grievously incomplete, Baude now argues, chiefly because it fails adequately to take account of other sources of law, including “unwritten background principles” and “natural law.” (Yes, everything in quotation marks is a quote from the lecture). Continue reading “The Owl of Minerva and “Our Law””

Bleeding Montana

In August, Kansas voters rejected a constitutional amendment specifying that the Kansas Constitution did not protect a right to abortion or require the state government to fund abortion. In response, I wrote a piece here pointing out that this was precisely the result that the conservative legal movement sought via the Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs. The only principled position, we have been told, is neutrality. The voters can approve or disapprove abortion as they like, but what matters is that the voters decide. The Constitution does not tell them what they must or must not do, and judges must not interfere with this posture of principled neutrality.

Such a position does not have deep roots in the classical legal tradition, which certainly does not hold that the law can be neutral on essential questions of morality, letting the voters decide such basic questions as who is alive. And one can find arguments against the idea in the American tradition, including in Abraham Lincoln’s arguments against Stephen Douglas’s principled neutrality on the question of slavery. I said so. New York Times columnist Ross Douthat took issue, saying that I “complain[ed] the Court did Something when it could have just done Everything itself.” The Institute for Human Ecology at the Catholic University of America even took a short break from posting pictures of the saint the day to amplify Douthat’s criticism. (Don’t worry: the Institute got back to posting pictures of the saint of the day.)

However trenchant the criticism may have seemed to Douthat and his friends at the Institute in August, it is by no means clear that it is so trenchant today. Five states had measures on the ballot relating to abortion. In California, Michigan, and Vermont, the question was whether to amend the state constitution to create an explicit right to reproductive freedom, which is of course a euphemism for abortion. In Kentucky, the question was about an amendment specifying that nothing in the state constitution protected a right to abortion. And in Montana there was a proposal to establish that children born alive were persons and entitled to legal protection. In each state, the pro-life position was rejected. In every state where life was put to the vote, the voters chose the other option. As Douthat says, the Court did Something instead of Everything—and what a Something!

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Enriching Legal Theory

What follows are my notes from a semi-extemporaneous response I delivered at the conference on Common Good Constitutionalism organized by the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy and the Harvard Federalist Society on October 29, after receiving some but not all of the papers in advance and listening to the discussion. The other participants’ papers and presentations were largely working drafts of final products that will appear in the Journal. The oral delivery differed from these notes in minor ways. A full version of the talk with footnotes will appear in the Journal in due course.

The editors wish to thank Mario Fiandeiro, editor-in-chief of the Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy, and the Journal editorial board for their gracious permission to publish this in advance of the Journal’s publication.


Thanks to everyone for coming. I think it’s been a fascinating event and suggests that these debates have only begun and will continue for a long time. Yet these debates also have an ancient history. The discussions we have had today are iterations, with appropriate variation, of discussions that happened in and during the last revival of classical legal theory, in the US and Europe in the 1950s and 1960s in the shadow of Nuremberg, when legal positivism for a time seemed patently inadequate. And those in turn were variants of many earlier iterations, going all the way back to debates over legal interpretation between the schools of Proculeian and Sabinian lawyers in Rome. Indeed, as will become clear shortly, the eternal recurrence of this sort of debate is itself, in my view, one of the great facts of history that we have to recover to make sense of our discussion today.

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“Closure Rules” Are Ius for Originalists

Conor Casey is a Lecturer in Law, University of Liverpool School of Law & Social Justice. Adrian Vermeule is the Ralph Tyler Jr. Professor of Constitutional Law, Harvard Law School. 


A standard set of claims, common to both classical lawyers and Dworkinians, is that the interpretation of positive legal rules inevitably rests on express or implied arguments from political morality (in particular, for the classical lawyer, the subset of political morality bearing on legal justice), and that positive rules are inevitably under-determinate, due to the inherent limits of language and of lawmakers’ foresight. Originalists have evolved an attempt at a solution: “closure rules.”

At the question and answer session following a recent panel discussion, organized by the American Enterprise Institute, on “Natural Law and Original Meaning,” an audience member asked the panelists (Sherif Girgis, Kevin Walsh, and Lee Strang) if judges should be able to apply “maxims of natural law as canons of construction” to find the meaning of posited constitutional text, where texts remain under-determinate after attempts to ascertain its original meaning from socio-historical sources. Strang’s headline response was that there was no conventional originalist position to address the question (a notable response in itself). But Strang proceeded to note that originalists have worked hard to identify additional conceptual resources to create so-called “closure rules” in cases where constitutional text remains under-determinate, after the search for things like original semantic and conventional public meaning has been exhausted. Strang cited the possibility of seeking out originally understood legal rules of interpretation to try and generate thicker, more robust, original meanings and ameliorate the under-determinacy problem. Where this kind of enterprise still yielded under-determinacy, Strang suggested that originalists had argued powerfully that constitutional actors should proceed in a Thayerian fashion: the legislative branch should be permitted to “construct” meaning and judges should defer to their construction unless they have acted in clear error of other constitutional commitments.

As we have previously noted, however, such “closure rules” just replicate the problem they are intended to address. Closure rules are themselves subject to the same problems as the first-order rules for which they attempt to provide a tourniquet of determinacy. The very fact that Professor Strang mentioned multiple possibilities for “closure rules” underscores the point: the choice between possible closure rules itself depends upon normative arguments. It is not just written in the nature of things, inherent in the nature of language or communication or inherent in the nature of interpretation, that the interpreter should simply “put the statute down” (as Frank Easterbrook once suggested), should rely on party presentation of socio-historical facts rather than attempt their own search (as some originalists suggest), defer to legislators or agencies (the approach Strang finds powerful), or adopt some other approach. To adopt one or other approach itself requires a choice, necessarily based on arguments about which approach serves the public interest or common good — whether or not the interpreter makes those arguments explicit.

Likewise with the idea that originalists can just use the closure rules “used by the founding generation itself,” such as the above-mentioned use of conventional legal rules of interpretation present at the different times constitutional provisions were ratified. Apart from other grievous problems (notably, that the founding generation thought about law in an entirely different way, within a classical framework and based upon a classical legal ontology), such rules themselves come in multiple competing versions, are themselves inevitably partially indeterminate and require further, controversial specification, and themselves require interpretation, resting on normative arguments. Just as first-order rules can be read at multiple levels of generality, cashed out in different ways, and otherwise extrapolated in different directions, so too with the closure rules. Rules of historical evidence, for example, “rest on express or implied normative assumptions and arguments about the costs of decisionmaking and the costs of error, about the collateral and systemic effects of admitting or not admitting certain categories of evidence, and a myriad other topics” (as one of us recently noted). As H. Jefferson Powell put it, “Rather than avoiding the responsibility of choice, history requires of the originalist a whole new range of contestable…decisions.”

As another example, take Strang’s preferred example of “deference.” As administrative lawyers arguing over the best specification of Chevron deference can attest, merely saying “defer to reasonable interpretations of ambiguous text” is only the beginning of a very long story, involving threshold “step zero“ questions (when exactly does deference apply? Are there categories of decisions to which it doesn’t apply at all?), “step one” questions (how ambiguous is ambiguous?), and “step two” questions (how reasonable is reasonable?). At every such step, normative arguments have been and must be called into play. Consider the idea in the leading decision on the step zero problem, United States v. Mead, that a certain complex approach to step zero best serves “fairness and deliberation.” Consider also an argument for the “major questions” clear statement rule, recently advanced by Justice Neil Gorsuch, that it helps to prevent “government by the people” from being supplanted by “government by bureaucracy.” Gorsuch’s argument here can only be described as Dworkinian in method, although needless to say not Dworkinian in substance.

Sometimes, “closure rules” are said to lie within the “construction zone,” where “construction” is taken to be a different activity than “interpretation.” As we have also said before, this is in essence an arbitrary semantic categorization, one that presupposes a conception of “interpretation” that the classical lawyer contests. Actual interpreters do not approach or experience their task as though it involves a switch between an “interpretation” phase and a “construction” phase where “the law runs out.” It is all one process, a process that occurs within law and within legal interpretation, involving — from the classical perspective — the harmonization of two types of law: the harmonization of positive texts (lex) with background principles of legal justice (ius), not as a way of overriding lex, but as a way of understanding and interpreting lex in light of the larger commitments of the legal order.

As John Finnis puts it, basic principles of natural law are not extra-legal considerations or policy arguments brought to bear by lawyers and judge where the law runs out, but themselves function as a “direct source of law (or justification for judicial decision) and, in a certain sense, as already law.” Basic precepts of the natural law, says Finnis, are best regarded as “judicially applicable moral rules and principles” and “ipso iure (i.e., precisely as morally and judicially applicable) rules of law” belonging to the “ius gentium portion of our law.”

The best account of “closure rules,” then, is that they are just another set of arguments about the content of ius, as opposed to lex. Closure rules are just ius for originalists. Here as elsewhere, whatever their abstract theories, interpreters inevitably practice the classical legal approach, even without knowing it.

In the end, Strang’s response nicely highlights a serious fault line between the interpretive approach of the classical legal tradition, on the one hand, and the hybrid approach of so-called natural law originalism on the other. In the resolution of hard cases, both types of jurists will inevitably appeal to considerations of ius – whether they call it that or not. The former approach builds into the structure of the theory regard for the basic precepts of natural law and legal justice as the interpretive lodestar. But the latter appears (from what we have observed) reluctant to invoke them or, at most, will only have recourse to them when they are incorporated by posited law sources, all out of concern for undermining law’s stability, or co-ordination function, or other institutional goods — goods that, in our view, have already been left by the wayside in the class of cases that require recourse to “closure rules.” While both theories may share some fundamentals, this is a wide divergence indeed.

Conor Casey & Adrian Vermeule

The price of victory in Kansas

Yesterday, Kansas voters rejected decisively an amendment to the Kansas Constitution that would have clarified that the Kansas Constitution does not protect a right to abortion. This defeat represents a major victory for the conservative legal movement. The Kansas Supreme Court, in Hodes & Nauser v. Schmidt, 309 Kan. 610, 440 P.3d 461 (2019), found that the right to an abortion was protected by provisions in the Kansas Constitution. In response, the legislature proposed a constitutional amendment that would effectively nullify the Hodes & Nauser decision. That amendment was submitted to the voters. Following an acrimonious campaign, it was defeated. The process worked, just as leading conservative legal thinkers told us it would, even if many are deeply disappointed by the result in concrete terms.

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Reorienting Constitutional Theory

This is the first piece Ius & Iustitium is presenting in its symposium on Adrian Vermeule’s new book Common Good Constitutionalism. A general introduction to the symposium may be found here. Michael Foran is a Lecturer in Public Law at the University of Strathclyde.


Adrian Vermeule’s Common Good Constitutionalism is a significant work in constitutional theory that has the potential to dramatically influence the legal and political zeitgeist. Much of it is deliberately unoriginal. Vermeule will be the first to tell you that this is a project of revival and remembrance. This shouldn’t be taken to mean that there is nothing new here, however. In fact, the impact of this book on constitutional theory poses a real threat of destabilising existing orthodoxies. The book’s contribution lies in how the author draws upon the largely forgotten natural law bedrock of western jurisprudence and thrusts it into the unwelcoming—even hostile—midsts of liberal constitutionalism.

Vermeule’s account of common good constitutionalism operates at several levels. First, he relies on the common good as a justificatory lens of analysis, focusing on what the overarching point and purpose of constitutionalism should be. At this level, law generally and constitutional law specifically can be explained by reference to several competing accounts of what their purpose is. Liberal constitutional theory generally argues that this purpose is to restrain the power of the state and protect individual liberties.

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The Short History and Checkered Tradition of “History and Tradition”

In three major cases at the end of June, the Supreme Court has relied upon a “history and tradition” test to define the scope of constitutional rights and federal powers. Writing for the Court in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, Justice Alito overruled Roe v. Wade held that the Constitution did not protect a right to abortion and that unenumerated rights and liberties “must be deeply rooted in this Nation’s history and tradition and implicit in the concept of ordered liberty,” quoting Washington v. Glucksberg in support. In Kennedy v. Bremerton School District, Justice Gorsuch overruled Lemon v. Kurtzman’s test for a violation of the Establishment Clause and held, “The line that courts and governments must draw between the permissible and the impermissible has to accord with history and faithfully reflect the understanding of the Founding Fathers.” And in New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, Justice Thomas rejected reliance on intermediate scrutiny in considering government regulation of firearms under the Second Amendment, holding that the government must show a firearm regulation is support by the text, “as informed by history,” or “comported with history and tradition.” In each case, the Court expressly or implicitly rejected a tiered scrutiny framework and chose to focus instead on how the scope of the right was historically defined within the Anglo-American tradition.

What do “history and tradition” mean in these contexts, and why should they be important? By this test, the conservative majority intends to ground American law within a broader tradition to avoid the temptation of “living constitutionalism.” Yet these cases also demonstrate the problem of originalist reliance on history only at specifically favored moments in time, rather than incorporating a broader understanding of the tradition in which they are embedded. And if the “history and tradition” test is ultimately not grounded in the legal and philosophical substance of that tradition—the natural law and the Western classical legal tradition, as interpreted by English jurists—then they are at best half-hearted and superficial attempts to recall that tradition and will be easily manipulated in future cases. 

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A Victory for Originalism?

The leaked draft majority opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization suggests that the Supreme Court is poised to finally overturn Roe v. Wade (1973). While the fight for legal protection of the unborn will continue and even intensify, it is undeniable that the demise of Roe would be an improvement over the status quo and a true victory—at least in the “end of the beginning” sense. Who deserves credit for this victory? First and foremost, the pro-life movement. Instead of retreating into obscurity following Roe, pro-lifers grew a movement, captured a political party, and forced it to make abortion a top priority in the appointment of judges. Credit is also due to the mainstream conservative legal movement, which includes and is led by many committed pro-lifers for whom overturning Roe v. Wade was always a top priority. Despite its many shortcomings and failures (which this blog routinely highlights), there can be no denying that the conservative legal movement may have finally delivered the result it has promised for decades. But what credit do we owe originalism, the official ideology of the conservative legal movement? Based on Justice Alito’s draft majority opinion, the answer seems to be nothing. Originalism will not have played any meaningful role in overturning Roe.

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Scissors, Paste, and Aquinas

I understand altogether the desire of certain originalists to elevate their jurisprudential preferences to the sphere of morality. It is one thing when conservative donors want originalism to be right; it is another thing when God wants originalism to be right. Likewise, the moral dimension has certain charms when deployed against critics of originalism. Today, criticism of originalism must be treated in fundamentally academic ways: through the marshaling of evidence and argument. If originalism can be lacquered to a moral shine, then one may dispense altogether with the laborious work of answering one’s critics. To oppose originalism is simply to be immoral, and sin does not require the same work. For example, no one feels the need to argue against the sin of Onan; condemn, deplore, rebuke—but not argue. 

Heretofore the Church has been unwilling to make a dogmatic proclamation in favor of the originalists—the Munificentissimus Deus template no doubt having been mislaid in the shuffle of Predicate Evangelium—leaving them to their own devices. Catholic University of America law professor Joel Alicea is the latest moralist of the originalists who has attempted to supply the missing condemnation, writing a paper that soon will be published in the law review of the second-oldest law school in Indiana. Already the professional originalists have found not merely a moralist but a true champion. Professor Alicea’s essay has been featured prominently by such publications as National Review. This, too, is understandable. Adrian Vermeule has been all too troublesome for the professional originalists (and, one suspects, their donors have had awkward questions about the younger generations). Professor Alicea finds a moral basis for originalism. At last, to the sin of Onan, the originalists may add the sin of Vermeule. At long last, they may condemn, deplore, and rebuke—but not argue.

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